---
title: "The European election, the Mannheim stabbing, and who gets to fly a flag | Weekly Wiseguys, 3 June 2024"
summary: "Sami Miettinen, Tere Sammallahti and MP Onni Rostila on Ivan Puopolo's Weekly Wiseguys, 3 June 2024, six days before the European election and three days after the Mannheim stabbing. It is one of the sharper episodes in the series, and it also contains its most careful request: the panel asks for shades of grey in the immigration debate and says out loud that immigration is not a monolith. The later sections cover flags on government buildings, media criticism and public broadcaster funding. This write-up separates the arguments from the unsourced figures."
datePublished: 2024-06-03
dateModified: 2024-06-03
originalLang: en
section: satire
sections: ["satire","society"]
authors: ["Sami Miettinen"]
tags: ["Media-vierailu","Viikon viisastelu","Weekly Wiseguys","Ivan Puopolo","Tere Sammallahti","Onni Rostila","EU-vaalit","EU-sääntely","Maahanmuutto","Mediakritiikki","Yleisradio","Järjestörahoitus"]
canonical: https://www.neuvottelija.com/ai/viisastelu-rahat-tanne-saksan-puukkoisku-ja-ylen-budjetti/
---
# The European election, the Mannheim stabbing, and who gets to fly a flag | Weekly Wiseguys, 3 June 2024

# The European election, the Mannheim stabbing, and who gets to fly a flag | Weekly Wiseguys, 3 June 2024

> **Summary:**
> Sami Miettinen, Tere Sammallahti and MP Onni Rostila on Ivan Puopolo's Weekly Wiseguys, 3 June 2024, six days before the European election and three days after the Mannheim stabbing. It is one of the sharper episodes in the series, and it also contains its most careful request: the panel asks for shades of grey in the immigration debate and says out loud that immigration is not a monolith. The later sections cover flags on government buildings, media criticism and public broadcaster funding. This write-up separates the arguments from the unsourced figures.

This is a summary on Neuvottelija AI. The episode itself is on Ivan Puopolo’s channel and is his — [watch the original](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cVyRPQEIT80). The appearance is catalogued at [neuvottelija.com/media](https://www.neuvottelija.com/media/viisastelu-money-and-silence-solingen-and-yle-budget/), which is the canonical home of this content.

> **A note on reading this.** Weekly Wiseguys is a tongue-in-cheek political panel, not a news broadcast. The speakers are right-of-centre commentators and politicians talking in their own names, sharpening for effect and joking as they go. This article sorts their arguments and marks who said what; it takes no position on who is right, and it does not reproduce the personal jabs. Speakers are named only where the recording itself identifies who is talking: the transcript carries no speaker labels, so uncertain passages are attributed to the panel or to "one of the guests" rather than to a name. The opinions are the speakers’ own.

---

## The panel

**Ivan Puopolo** hosts; the guests are **Sami Miettinen**, **Tere Sammallahti** and Finns Party
MP **Onni Rostila**. Recorded on 3 June 2024: six days before the European election and three
days after the Mannheim stabbing in which a police officer was killed.

This is one of the sharper episodes in the series. It also contains its single most careful
request, and that is worth reading first.

## 1. The European election: an argument about regulation, not parties

The panel's starting point is not who to vote for but **why the composition matters**. The
argument is structural:

> A significant share of the regulation applied in Finland originates in the EU. The
> composition of the Parliament and the Commission therefore affects national rules more than
> turnout figures would suggest.

The panel's own percentage (around 70) and its estimate of the annual volume of legislation are
given from memory and are not verified here. Estimates vary enormously by method of counting,
so the figure is not worth quoting — the direction of the argument does not depend on it.

The best part of the section is a **round of the table**: what is the most pointless EU rule you
know of? The answers are concrete and checkable:

- **Alloy requirements in the drinking water directive.** The panel's claim is that tightening
  lead limits across all pipework materials would make the alloys used in Finnish conditions
  brittle, even though Finnish drinking water meets the limits many times over. The claim can be
  checked against industry submissions and is not verified here.
- **Gender requirements for listed company boards.**
- **The recovery instrument** and its permanence.
- **Bottle-cap rules**, which one speaker says he likes — and which another raises as an example
  of how small a thing can be regulated centrally.

That last disagreement is minor but worth marking: it is the only point in the episode where
somebody says they like a regulation.

The panel's normative position is stated plainly: the limits of the Commission's competence
should be restored and the use of delegated acts narrowed. That is a political objective, not an
observation.

**A note for readers:** much of the section is about who gets called far right and who sets the
definition. That is an argument about words, and should be read as one.

## 2. Mannheim — and the episode's most important request

Three days before the recording, several people were stabbed at a street event in Mannheim; the
police officer who intervened died. The panel works through the case.

Two things in the section have to be kept apart.

### What is an argument

The panel's **linguistic observation** is precise: reporting described the victim as the author
of an islamophobic blog. A phobia means an irrational fear — and if a person is stabbed
precisely over the subject he has been writing about, the word turns against itself. The
observation takes no position on what one should think of the victim; it is about the word.

Their **political observation** is that if mainstream parties will not handle a subject,
somebody else will — and that somebody gains support from it. The observation is also offered as
criticism of the party that benefits: the panel names the AfD's own problem wings and does not
defend it.

### The single most important sentence in the episode

In the middle of the section one speaker says:

> *"I don't want to think of immigration as a monolith... we have to find some shades of grey in
> this debate and think about what we want and what we don't."*

And elsewhere, qualifying the same point, that the great majority of people in any group are
law-abiding. Marking these sentences is not a courtesy but accuracy: the episode reads
differently without them. It is also the only place where the panel sets a limit on its own
rhetoric.

### What has not been checked

- **A violent-crime statistic** reported as having been seen from "a reliable source" on social
  media. The source is not named and the figure is not verified here.
- **An estimate of what share of some group constitutes the problem.** Given as a round
  percentage with no evidence.
- **A claim about a foreign state's role in a neighbouring country's gang phenomenon.** Offered
  as a possible theory, and the panel marks it as a theory itself.

The section also includes a historical list — the 2005 cartoon affair, Charlie Hebdo, the
stabbing of Salman Rushdie, Turku in 2017 — which is factually accurate. The list is an argument
about a continuity; it does not by itself establish a cause, and the episode uses it as if it
did.

### The most interesting detour in the episode

The panel asks why the United States has entire neighbourhoods of one language and culture
without comparable friction. Three answers are given, and they are not the same kind of answer:

1. **Selection.** The cost and difficulty of the journey select who arrives.
2. **Positive rituals.** A citizenship test, the flag, the anthem — a deliberately constructed
   experience of belonging. The panel describes this admiringly and notes that Finland has no
   equivalent.
3. **An objection**, made immediately afterwards by one of the guests: the American founding
   story is also a story of conquest, and "melting pot" is not the whole truth.

The third point is worth marking, because it is the only place in the episode where the panel's
own ideal is questioned from the table.

## 3. Flags, mandate, and the human-rights claim

Two government ministries had decided not to take part in Pride month flag-flying. The panel's
argument is structural and framed so that it cuts both ways:

> **In a democracy, public authority represents all citizens.** The question is therefore not
> whether anyone may fly a flag, but whether an official body takes a position on a political
> question in its official capacity. The same rule binds whatever the position is.

The panel says explicitly that nobody's participation in an event is being restricted. The issue
is the neutrality of public authority.

The second claim is more contested, and it is offered as an argument rather than a slogan: that
this is not a human-rights question, because the UN Declaration contains no right that excludes
sexual minorities. The claim can be checked against the text of the Declaration. It can be
answered — for example, that the dispute is about the *realisation* of rights rather than their
existence — but the episode contains no answer, because nobody at the table makes it.

With it comes the recurring money argument of the series: **advocacy funded from tax revenue is
not, by definition, independent of the state.** The observation is conceptually sound. The
estimate of total funding that follows is given from memory.

## 4. Media and the public broadcaster

### The question worth taking away

The panel's best media observation is not a criticism but **a question about measurement**: when
we are told trust in media is high, what is being measured? And if trust has risen in one
segment of the population while falling in another, the average conceals the very phenomenon
that needs explaining.

The explanation offered publicly — that the other group is simply wrong — is not, on the panel's
view, an explanation. One can disagree, but the question is valid and it is researchable.

With it comes a point that turns on themselves: if "media" includes YouTube channels, then
**this programme is media too**, and the measurement covers it.

### The broadcaster

The longest single stretch in the episode is criticism of the public broadcaster's funding.
Three levels are worth separating:

1. **A structural argument that holds:** tax-funded content offered free of charge competes on
   the same platforms as advertising-funded media, and affects that market regardless of the
   content's quality. This is a standard competition argument, and it can be answered with the
   public-service remit.
2. **An observation useful to anyone:** when an organisation is cut, it announces cuts first to
   whatever the audience is most attached to — not to whatever is least necessary. The panel
   names the phenomenon with examples, and it applies to any publicly funded body.
3. **Characterisations that are not verified:** claims about the internal working culture rest
   on unnamed acquaintances, and individual examples on newspaper articles. They are marked here
   as unverified and are not repeated.

The panel also makes a concession worth quoting: individual programmes are praised by name as
high quality, and one speaker says plainly that he does not wish anyone to lose their job.

The funding figures (€595 million and various staff numbers) are given without a source.

## Claims presented as claims

- The share and annual volume of EU regulation.
- A violent-crime statistic taken from social media.
- Percentage estimates within population groups.
- Characterisations of the broadcaster's staff and working culture.
- Total figures for NGO funding.

## What survives the episode

1. **"Immigration is not a monolith."** In its sharpest stretch the panel sets a limit on its own
   rhetoric — and asks for shades of grey.
2. **Neutrality of public authority is a rule that binds in both directions.** That is the
   argument's strength and its test at the same time.
3. **When an organisation is cut, it cuts first whatever hurts the audience most.** That
   observation holds regardless of what one thinks of the organisation.

## How the episode runs

- **00:52** — The line-up
- **01:44** — Today's agenda
- **02:30** — Who gets defined as far right
- **03:21** — The same party, different labels
- **04:08** — Why the composition decides
- **04:55** — How much regulation comes from Brussels
- **05:42** — Definitions widening
- **06:32** — The annual volume of regulation
- **07:18** — The drinking water directive as an example
- **08:04** — The Commission's competence and delegated acts
- **08:54** — Round the table: the most pointless EU rule
- **09:49** — Gender quotas and compost inspectors
- **10:37** — The recovery instrument and bottle caps
- **11:24** — The German stabbing: what happened
- **12:14** — Silence, and its political consequence
- **13:06** — The victims and the sequence of events
- **13:59** — How the victim was described
- **14:45** — Two strands in Germany
- **15:35** — Energy policy and emissions
- **16:26** — Natural and synthetic
- **17:18** — Radiation and perception
- **18:04** — From a cartoon to the stabbings
- **18:52** — A list that keeps going
- **19:41** — A request for shades of grey
- **20:30** — What has already happened
- **21:32** — The threat of violence and the role of outside states
- **22:18** — The metaphor of a home
- **23:04** — The AfD's own problems
- **23:52** — What if the mainstream had reacted in time
- **24:38** — Five per cent and the rest
- **25:23** — American neighbourhoods as a comparison
- **26:10** — Why it is different there
- **27:28** — The citizenship test and the rituals
- **28:14** — Flag, anthem and belonging
- **29:04** — Why people join demonstrations
- **29:54** — America starts from somewhere else
- **30:40** — Selection in immigration
- **31:27** — The other half of the story
- **32:16** — Flags on government buildings
- **33:02** — Tax money and mandate
- **33:49** — Who decides the allocation
- **34:39** — What a non-governmental organisation is
- **35:34** — The university as a political actor
- **36:22** — Demand and funding
- **37:08** — Public authority represents everyone
- **37:57** — An editor's own profile
- **38:47** — Party-political neutrality
- **39:33** — How the decision was made
- **40:18** — The human-rights claim examined
- **41:07** — A new columnist and agenda journalism
- **42:02** — What "trust in media" measures
- **42:53** — Trust splitting by group
- **43:42** — The explanation nobody offers
- **44:36** — Who gets invited to the studio
- **45:24** — Everything else is tinfoil
- **46:16** — Counting the gender of experts
- **47:03** — An algorithm that educates
- **47:49** — Data, log-ins and transparency
- **48:36** — €595 million and the competitive position
- **49:25** — A cut always lands on the most sympathetic thing
- **50:13** — What a public broadcaster is for
- **51:00** — The original rationale, and the internet
- **51:47** — The dumping comparison
- **52:35** — A hundred million in bought services
- **53:26** — Employment as the objective
- **54:14** — The martyr argument
- **55:00** — Accountability for results
- **55:52** — What is good there
- **56:44** — National identity and the media
- **57:38** — If the funding were cut
- **58:25** — Sign-off